第9章 约顿海姆的动荡(2 / 2)

法师乔安 程剑心 1070 字 2022-04-20

约顿海姆人民通过购买走私进来的食糖和甜酒达到抗税的目的,自身生活质量也基本不受影响。

与此同时,煽动抗税的“自由之子”及其从事走私和销赃行业的金主们则乘机扩大市场份额,借助政治宣传鼓动民众更倾向于购买走私商品,从而赚到更多的利润。

殖民地民众通过抗税申明政见,获得了精神上的满足,走私集团通过煽动抗税赚到更多真金白银,获得了物质上的收益,在此期间唯一受到损害的是斐真王国的财政收入和统治根基。

当今世界,实行君主立宪和议会制的斐真王国时常被知识分子们当做先进政体的典型大加褒扬,然而事实证明“立宪”和“议会”并不能与“宽容”和“审慎”画上等号。

同样是在1625年的春天,新大陆南北两大殖民地,亚尔夫海姆和约顿海姆,相继爆发了抵抗母国加税的社会运动。

被嘲讽为“泥足巨人”的帝国当局一度试图更换亚尔夫海姆殖民地总督,解散殖民地议会,采用高压手段对付抗税风潮,结果反而激起更强烈的反抗,最终不得不放弃加税,狼狈收场。

包括乔安在内的殖民地年轻一代知识分子,早就看穿帝国官僚阶层迟钝、短视、色厉内荏的本质,对其处理殖民地抗税运动的拙劣手段也不觉得意外。

那么自诩文明进步,倡导民权与自由,常被人们拿来反衬帝国皇权腐朽堕落的斐真执政当局,面对同样发生在海外殖民地的抗税风潮,有没有拿出更高明的举措?

很遗憾,斐真当局给出了一份令人失望的答卷。

不同于君主专制的神圣亚珊帝国,斐真王国的行政权掌握在议会手中,上院议员都是世袭贵族,下院议员则由选举产生,代表各自选区的利益。

但是,殖民地不属于“选区”,斐真议会里没有殖民地出身、代表殖民者利益的议员,所以也就不难理解,为何斐真议会处理殖民地抗税运动的手段甚至还要比帝国内阁更为蛮横霸道!

面对群情激奋的约顿海姆人,斐真上下两院的议员老爷们,第一感觉是自己的尊严受到了冒犯,继而投票决定加大力度,严格执行《糖税法案》,并且对殖民地施以最严厉的武装缉私政策!

这份旨在严打走私销赃的法案,勒令约顿海姆警方和海关人员严加追查参与走私的个人与机构,游弋在枫叶湾的斐真军舰也奉命查禁走私货船,持有空白拘票的缉私警察,有权搜查任何他们认为可能有嫌犯藏身的房舍。

一时间,整个约顿海姆殖民地闹得鸡飞狗跳!

严打走私销赃的场面看似吓人,其实“自由之子”们见得多了,早就在南方殖民地积累出丰富的反缉私经验。

约顿海姆的走私集团,通过亚当斯领导下的“自由之子”北方分会,与米德嘉德地区的总会联合起来,进行跨国走私和销赃。

走私船只要逃进米德嘉德海域,斐真海关的缉私船唯恐引发国际冲突,只能无可奈何地打道回府。

约顿海姆殖民政府通缉的走私贩子,包括约瑟夫·亚当斯这个幕后策划者,有一百种办法轻松逃亡到米德嘉德避风头。

约顿海姆当局曾与米德嘉德殖民地政府交涉,试图合作抓捕通缉犯,却迟迟没有什么进展,忙活了大半年也没收上来多少糖税,纯属瞎折腾。

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